https://pkn.isu.ac.ir/ Journal of Political Knowledge en daily 1 Tue, 23 Sep 2025 00:00:00 +0330 Tue, 23 Sep 2025 00:00:00 +0330 https://pkn.isu.ac.ir/article_78020.html The complete monopoly of the tobacco trade in Iran was granted to Major Gerald F. Talbot for 50 years in 1890. This concession was bestowed upon a British citizen and, in fact, upon the British government within the framework of the positive balance policy during the reign of Nasser al-Din Shah Qajar. Given the position of the tobacco industry in the socio-economic structure of Iran during the Qajar era, which encompassed a quarter of Iran's population of- about ten million-, it faced widespread reaction from the Iranian people. Consequently, this event has become a pivotal moment in Iran's political history. The tobacco affair is not only significant in the domestic politics of contemporary Iran and is regarded as one of the roots of the Islamic Revolution, but it also merits serious consideration in the field of theoretical studies of foreign policy in political science in Iran and much of the world. This article will examine the tobacco affair as a political phenomenon that occurred 135 years ago. The main question of the article is: "Which foreign policy sources played a more decisive role in the occurrence of the tobacco affair?" The article's hypothesis is as follows: "The tobacco affair, in contrast to "sanctions," which are a tool of foreign policy of governments, can be analyzed under the title of "boycott." The refusal's outcome is rooted in specific collective action networks and social forces guided by the religious authority, which were implemented during the Qajar dynasty as a component of foreign policy. The article's findings, derived from a qualitative research method, do not merely involve a substitution of the term "sanctions" with "boycott." Rather, they provide a comprehensive explanation and analysis of a national or social variable in Iranian foreign policy that has historically been overlooked in foreign policy studies on Iran and other analogous countries. The clerical establishment, under the leadership of the religious authority, played a pivotal role in this dynamic. https://pkn.isu.ac.ir/article_78028.html Adopting right approaches to the economic advancements plays a crucial role in the prospects of a country. The "Caspian-Persian Gulf Railway" concession was the first and largest development project of Iran, which was granted to Baron Julius de Reuter by Naser al-Din Shah Qajar about 150 years ago. There is a difference of opinion among historians about the nature of Reuter's concession, but most analysts strongly criticize it because of the exploitative nature of Reuter's contract. However, there is insufficient information in historical books to give the researchers the possibility to examine and evaluate the exploitative nature of the concessionary contracts signed then. Therefore, this research attempts to clarify the nature of Reuter's concession using a descriptive-analytical approach that compares the first Iranian railway contract with the Izmir-Aydin Ottoman railway concession, which was signed almost simultaneously with the British. The research tries to answer this question “What factors contributed to the success of Wilkin's concession in Turkey and what factors brought about the failure of Reuter's concession in Iran?” The findings indicate that 4 factors affected the structure of contracts and the implementation of industrial development initially requires a series of structural and institutional reforms and the development process should be gradual, part by part, and proportionate to the capacity of the country’s natural resources and labor force; The concessions needed to be granted according to the requirements and the development process. The Ottoman government applied a positive and intelligent approach to implement its developmental plans gradually in different phases granting limited concessions as small-scale projects. On the other hand, due to their gullibility and disregard to the necessary requirements of development, the Qajar government sought to implement their huge development project by handing over the natural resources of the country to foreigners as exclusive and unlimited concessions in a hasty manner. Nevertheless, because of the size of the project and the exploitative nature of the concession, it was challenged and consequently abolished. https://pkn.isu.ac.ir/article_78019.html One of the important issues in the field of migration of foreign nationals is its connection with various aspects of security. The migration of these people can have numerous security consequences for the destination countries. Iran is no exception to this rule and in recent years, it has welcomed various groups of migrants, the majority of whom are Afghan nationals. This trend has intensified, especially in the last four decades, and has affected various aspects of Iran's security. Accordingly, the present study seeks to answer the question of what impact has the migration of Afghan nationals had on Iran's national security? To answer this question, Buzan's cargo security theory and the Delphi method - Shannon technique were used, and the views of 25 experts on the subject were collected. The research findings indicate that the most important impact of Afghan migration on Iran's national security is the "economic" impact, followed by the "social", "political", "cultural", and "environmental" impacts, respectively. Also, according to experts, "increased unemployment", "spread of crime", "increased terrorist activities" and "expanded marginalization" are the four most important effects of Afghan immigration on Iran's national security https://pkn.isu.ac.ir/article_78027.html The nature and legitimacy of the state in the political philosophy of Allameh TabatabayiPolitical philosophy deals with the nature of political issues and especially the issue of government. In his various works, Allameh Tabatabayi has made the subject of government a subject of philosophical research and theorized in the field of political philosophy. This article tries to analyze and scrutinize this issue by using the method of text-based interpretation, while presenting the theoretical foundations of processing the nature of the state and its legitimacy in the political philosophy of Allameh Tabatabayi. For this purpose, credit perceptions are first processed as a basis for the issue of the nature of the government, and then the nature of the government is processed within the framework of the same theory and based on the triple anthropological system of employment, society and the government, with the aim of achieving justice. Also, referring to different types of illegitimate and legitimate governments in his political philosophy, illegitimate governments are criticized. In the end, the religious government as the only government based on the theory of credit perceptions, has the main characteristics of "achieving happiness", "comprehensive fulfillment of human existential needs based on the determination of the ruler by the people within the framework of divine laws", "pursuing the goal of justice" and having a two-way recruitment valuation system. Mamdouh means to achieve happiness in the light of servitude", it is introduced as a legitimate government.The nature and legitimacy of the state in the political philosophy of Allameh TabatabayiKey words: Allameh Tabatabayi, political philosophy, nature of the state, legitimacy of the state, credit perceptions, religious state.Key words: Allameh Tabatabayi, political philosophy, nature of the state, legitimacy of the state, credit perceptions, religious state.Key words: Allameh Tabatabayi, political philosophy, nature of the state, legitimacy of the state, credit perceptions, religious state. https://pkn.isu.ac.ir/article_78023.html As a strategic resource, oil plays a pivotal role in a nation's economic and political power . The nationalization of Iran's oil industry in the 1950s stands as one of the most significant political and economic transformations of that era . This research investigates how the idea of nationalizing Iran's oil industry was introduced to the agenda and analyzes the factors influencing this process, utilizing Kingdon's Multiple Streams Framework as a theoretical lens . The study employs a qualitative research approach and a case study methodology . The research hypothesis posits that the convergence of problem, political, and policy streams led to the nationalization of Iran's oil industry . The findings reveal that the intersection of three key streams—the problem stream (such as the inequitable exploitation of oil resources), the political stream (including the role of the National Front), and the policy stream (encompassing the stages of solution proposal and law enactment)—as well as the mediating role of policy entrepreneurs like Mohammad Mosaddegh, culminated in the passage of the nationalization law . This study underscores the significance of applying Kingdon's theory to analyze complex policymaking processes and policy changes within the context of historical developments. It also contributes to a deeper understanding of the interactions between various streams . , , , , , , , , , , , , ,, , , , , , ,, , , , , , , , ,, , , , , , , , , ,, , , , , ,, , , , , , ,, , , , , , , , ,, , , , , , , , , ,, , , , , ,, , , , , , ,, , , , , , , , ,, , , , , , , , , ,, , , , https://pkn.isu.ac.ir/article_78018.html Political identity is a multi-layered concept situated at the intersection of social structures, systems of meaning, and the lived experiences of social actors. Existing theoretical literature has predominantly approached this phenomenon through three paradigms: essentialism, institutionalism, and discourse-centered analysis. The central question of this study is whether dominant theoretical frameworks are capable of offering a comprehensive and non-reductionist explanation of the contemporary dynamics of political identity. Employing a descriptive-analytical method and grounded in a conceptual approach within the framework of critical political sociology, this research demonstrates that essentialist perspectives, by assuming identity as fixed, fail to account for the mutable conditions of political agency. Institutionalist approaches, in focusing primarily on processes of socialization, disregard the domains of resistance and the potential for identity rearticulation. Likewise, discourse-centered perspectives, despite their attention to linguistic and semantic dimensions, risk theoretical superficiality when disconnected from the social and affective layers of identity formation. Based on this critique, the article argues for the necessity of transcending one-dimensional frameworks and proposes a multi-level model for capturing the complexity of political identity. This model rests on the intersection of structure, agency, discourse, affect, and lived experience, thereby contributing to the theoretical advancement of political sociology in analyzing the phenomenon of identity. https://pkn.isu.ac.ir/article_78026.html The revolutionary movement of the Iranian people in the last four decades has always been in friction and confrontation with the hegemony and arrogance of the dominant material powers in the international arena, especially the United States. On the other hand, the enemies of Islamic Iran have made great efforts to deter the Iranian people from this movement by resorting to all kinds of tactics, including coups, military warfare, strengthening terrorism, and severe economic and non-economic sanctions. This situation reveals the need for daily resistance and national moghavemat of Iran in the social and political arena, as well as the need for theoretical processing and analysis of the dimensions of this moghavemat from a perspective compatible with Islamic principles and conditions of contemporary Iran. Using the method of content analysis and focusing on the statements of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Khamenei, this article seeks to answer the question of how the idea of moghavemat and its policies are formulated in the view of Ayatollah Khamenei. In this regard, while examining the origin, importance, conditions and nature of this moghavemat, the image of different agents and sources of moghavemat has been obtained and the strategies, policies, goals and consequences of the Iranian national moghavemat have been formulated.Western views on political issues will not necessarily be enlightening in the context of Iranian society and political system, and many of their principles and strategies are in conflict with Islamic and revolutionary principles and the conditions of contemporary Iran. Therefore, processing and explaining indigenous theories and patterns in these fields, including the category of moghavemat is essential. The lack of indigenous models and theories on the issue of moghavemat can ultimately lead to the erosion of Iran's moghavemat policies and directly jeopardize the strategic interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this study, in order to take a step towards achieving ideas and theories based on Islamic principles and in accordance with the environmental conditions prevailing in the current political and social environment of the world and Iran, the concept of moghavemat and moghavemat policy in the view of the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei has been beaten. https://pkn.isu.ac.ir/article_78022.html Political participation is the voluntary and direct and indirect activity of the mass of people to influence public policies and policy makers; which has become increasingly important nowadays. The main question of the current research is to study the factors affecting the political participation of students, determine the effect size of mediating variables on the political participation of students, and estimate the overall effect size of the factors affecting the political participation of students in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The method of study is quantitative meta-analysis method; the tool of study is reverse questionnaire; the statistical population of the research; 63 survey research (scientific-research), of which 48 cases were researched with respect to validity, validity and quality of research. Correlation coefficient, sample size and significance level of each research were selected. The sampling is non-probability-targeted method. The unit of analysis is the research articles published in scientific databases approved by the Ministry of Science, Research and Technology. The research findings show that there is a significant and positive relationship between social factors (social trust, social cohesion, friendship with university friends, social esteem, relative deprivation, social participation, responsibility); Political factors (socio-political commitment, political sociability, political awareness, political effectiveness, political culture, political collectivism, political reference models); cultural factors (cultural capital, national commitment, religious lifestyle, means of mass communication, domestic media, traditional lifestyle); Psychological factors (sense of identity, feeling of social alienation, sense of meaning, extroverted personality, sense of political security, sense of social security, sense of economic security, psychological anomie), demographic factors(age, income, social class, place of residence, marital status) ) and the level of political participation of students. Based on the research results, the participation of Iranian students will increase by strengthening trust, cohesion, and social esteem, responsibility, socio-political commitment, political socialization, political awareness, political effectiveness, political culture, political collectivism, the role of reference models, cultural capital, national commitment; and will be depend on the several factors such as religious lifestyle, means of mass communication, traditional lifestyle, sense of identity, feeling of social alienation, extroverted personality, sense of political security, social security, economic security, psychological economy, age, income, social class, location life depends on the situation. https://pkn.isu.ac.ir/article_78024.html This research, aiming to explain and present the desired model of the approach to political ethics within the scope of governance in the Islamic Republic, seeks to answer this central question: What are the characteristics of the approach to political ethics, with emphasis on the views of Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani, within the scope of governance in the Islamic Republic?The research findings indicate that Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani's (ra) ethical approach in the realm of politics is not solely based on the theoretical foundations of prevalent ethical schools. Rather, it is distinct from them and influenced by divine teachings and the traditions of the Imams (as). Emphasizing both the goodness of the action itself and the goodness of the doer's intention, he considers the criterion for evaluating political actions to be not merely the results and consequences, but also the intention and motivation of the actor. Therefore, he regards self-purification and moral refinement as prerequisites for entering the political arena, and the acquisition of ethical virtues as a prelude to the realization of political objectives.In essence, Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani (ra), by emphasizing the "transcendental ethics" approach, views politics not merely as an arena for the pursuit of power and interests, but as a field for self-development and the attainment of human and divine perfection. Hence, a politician can, by adhering to religious teachings and observing ethical principles in all aspects of life, particularly in the realm of politics, pave the way for achieving human perfection and divine proximity for himself and society. The "transcendental ethics" approach in politics can serve as a suitable model for politicians and officials of the Islamic Republic system.Keywords: Political Ethics, Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani, Islamic Governance, Transcendental Ethics.Keywords: Political Ethics, Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani, Islamic Governance, Transcendental Ethics. . . . . . . . https://pkn.isu.ac.ir/article_78025.html This study examines the influence of post-Constitutional Revolution political institutions on Iran’s economic development from 1906 to 1941. Iran’s development trajectory has been marked by considerable volatility, with the Constitutional Revolution representing a crucial historical juncture. The central research question asks: What role did political institutions established after the Constitutional Revolution play in shaping Iran’s developmental process? To address this inquiry, the study first constructs a conceptual framework by tracing the historical evolution of relevant theoretical perspectives. Subsequently, employing historical methodology augmented by fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (FsQCA), the research systematically investigates this question. Analysis of findings utilizes consistency and coverage metrics to assess causal configurations. The FsQCA results reveal a distinct causal pathway to economic underdevelopment during this historical period, characterized by the simultaneous presence of five critical conditions: genre incompatibility among political elites, deficient elite adherence to the rule of law, weak separation of powers, an imbalanced power relationship between state and society, and a prevailing relational orientation over rule-based governance. The analysis demonstrates perfect consistency (consistency = 1.0), indicating complete alignment of this causal configuration across cases. Additionally, the raw coverage score of 0.75 indicates that this pathway accounts for 75% of economic underdevelopment cases within the research sample. https://pkn.isu.ac.ir/article_78036.html Following the 12-day war between Iran and the Zionist regime, the need to review the power tools of the Islamic Republic of Iran in foreign policy became apparent. By posing the question, “How should Iran’s economic diplomacy be redefined within the framework of the post-war foreign policy strategy and considering the increasing role of the BRICS group?”, the article examines the main hypothesis that “economic diplomacy, by relying on soft power, formulating a national strategy for interaction with the BRICS, focusing on geoeconomic advantages, and establishing an inter-agency coordinating body, can play an effective role in strengthening Iran’s international position, reducing vulnerability to sanctions, and developing multilateral cooperation.” The research is conducted with a descriptive-analytical approach and relies on policy documents (including the Seventh Development Plan) and presents a three-dimensional model (structural, content, and implementation) for Iran’s desired economic diplomacy. The findings show that active membership in BRICS provides opportunities such as non-dollar trade, investment, and sanctions relief, but there are also challenges such as the lack of a coherent strategy and weak infrastructure. The conclusion emphasizes the need to redesign foreign policy with a focus on multilateralism, economic soft power, and engagement with emerging institutions such as BRICS, so that it can play an active role in the regional and global geoeconomic order while promoting domestic resilience. https://pkn.isu.ac.ir/article_78021.html During the Second Pahlavi era, despite a brief period of economic growth driven by developmental infrastructure programs, Iran shifted toward extractive institutions and vicious cycles rather than virtuous cycles of development. Previous analyses have predominantly highlighted external factors and economic dependencies as the primary obstacles to completing developmental programs, often neglecting internal structural and political factors embedded within the regime's policies. This study offers a distinct perspective on development by employing Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson's concepts of extractive institutions and the vicious cycle to examine endogenous factors that disrupted the developmental process and fueled public discontent with the Pahlavi government. The central research question of this article is: How did the developmental programs of the Second Pahlavi era foster extractive rather than inclusive institutions, and how did they relate to the dynamics of vicious and virtuous cycles? Although some progress was made toward development, the process was ultimately undermined by the emergence of extractive institutions and a vicious cycle, leading to widespread societal dissatisfaction. https://pkn.isu.ac.ir/article_76728.html According to many political experts, the discourse of Islamic resistance has been the dominant discourse in the West Asian region and has achieved significant success in the last four decades. However, the nature of this discourse is still ambiguous and has become the subject of the present study. Therefore, explaining the reasons for the success of the Islamic Resistance discourse in West Asia, the main purpose and explaining the discourse components of the Islamic Resistance in West Asia, helping to promote the Supreme Leader's views in the field of resistance and explaining his government theory are the sub-objectives of this study. To achieve these goals, the data method of the foundation has been used. The reason for choosing this method is to use the statements of the Supreme Leader and apply it in the framework of the scientific method to achieve his theory, the "government of resistance." Adopting policies and supporting arrogant popular movements are among the foundations of the Islamic Revolution. If we pay wise attention to the field of resistance thought, we will see the production of Islamic and indigenous science with appropriate analytical capability to the events in the West Asian region. In this regard, this issue is of practical importance. Lack of concern for the scientific and strategic analysis of the theory of resistance in West Asia will pave the way for the domination of secular theories of international relations to understand the events in West Asia. Therefore, the present study has a strategic and practical necessity. The research findings indicate that the Supreme Leader considers the discourse of resistance in various political, economic, cultural, scientific, etc. dimensions and believes that this discourse is not limited to geographical borders but is based on a nation-centered attitude. In his view, in order to realize the discourse of resistance in the West Asian region in all its dimensions, a "resistance state" must be formed. https://pkn.isu.ac.ir/article_78078.html This article develops a novel theoretical framework for analyzing corruption in governance with a focus on the role of conflict of interest. Corruption is one of the fundamental challenges in governance systems, threatening efficiency, social justice, and public trust. Despite extensive research, existing models primarily focus on the manifestations of corruption, such as bribery and embezzlement, while paying less attention to its underlying mechanisms. This study employs a critical realism approach to define corruption as a conscious act within the context of conflict-of-interest situations. This approach highlights the interplay between the individual and structural dimensions of corruption. Consequently, conflict-of-interest situations are identified as the primary drivers of corruption, forming the basis for a new typology of corruption. The article demonstrates that preventive management of conflict-of-interest situations as a structural factor, along with strengthening individual ethical incentives, can play a significant role in reducing corruption. This theoretical framework, through a more precise analysis of corruption and establishing a correlation between types of conflicts of interest and forms of corruption, provides an effective tool for anti-corruption policymaking. The practical recommendations presented in this article pave the way for governance reforms and combating corruption within organizations and public institutions...................................................................................................................................................................این قسمت دوم را اضافه کردم که از 300 کلمه تجاوز کند و ثبت شود وگرنه چکیده انگلیسی همان متن بالاست The most important achievement of this framework is that it can change the existing approach in anti-corruption policies because the mechanism of corruption is the conscious action of agents in conflict of interest situations. Therefore, to prevent corruption, it is necessary to focus on two main factors and make policies. On the other hand, according to the correspondence that was stated, it is possible to determine the type of corruption for any form of governance in a practical way, and according to the type of corruption, understand the type of conflict of interest that precedes it, and then for the situation of the conflict of interest that leads to that corruption. It is possible to make policy.