Before the Islamic Revolution of Iran, the traditional Bazar was acting as an influential element in the civil society and could in collaboration with the clergy play an important role in putting the Pahlavi’s regime under pressure and bringing victory to the Islamic Revolution. In the post-Revolution era, however, the relation between Bazar and the State changed dramatically. To study this change, the hypothesis of this article has been made. This is a time when the traditional Bazar formally got engaged in politics and took up positions, hence losing some of its previous status in the civil society. After presenting some evidence through the historical research method, it seems the hypothesis can explain the realities of Bazar after the Revolution. The research results show that in the first decade after the Revolution we witness the formation of two different social and political sections in Iran’s Bazar, each having its own specific function.
Hazeri,A. M. and Hoseinzadeh Feremi,M. (2011). The Political Role of Bazar: A Development Analysis in the First Decade of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Journal of Political Knowledge, 7(1), 65-90. doi: 10.30497/pk.2011.86
MLA
Hazeri,A. M. , and Hoseinzadeh Feremi,M. . "The Political Role of Bazar: A Development Analysis in the First Decade of the Islamic Republic of Iran", Journal of Political Knowledge, 7, 1, 2011, 65-90. doi: 10.30497/pk.2011.86
HARVARD
Hazeri A. M., Hoseinzadeh Feremi M. (2011). 'The Political Role of Bazar: A Development Analysis in the First Decade of the Islamic Republic of Iran', Journal of Political Knowledge, 7(1), pp. 65-90. doi: 10.30497/pk.2011.86
CHICAGO
A. M. Hazeri and M. Hoseinzadeh Feremi, "The Political Role of Bazar: A Development Analysis in the First Decade of the Islamic Republic of Iran," Journal of Political Knowledge, 7 1 (2011): 65-90, doi: 10.30497/pk.2011.86
VANCOUVER
Hazeri A. M., Hoseinzadeh Feremi M. The Political Role of Bazar: A Development Analysis in the First Decade of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Political Knowledge, 2011; 7(1): 65-90. doi: 10.30497/pk.2011.86
Journal of Political Knowledge